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Hamline Journal of Public Law and Policy
THE UNWARRANTED WARRANT:THE WACO SEARCH WARRANT AND THE DECLINE OF THE FOURTH AMENDMENT
*1 Criticism of federal law enforcement actions at Waco has not been in short supply. But the criticism has generally focused on how the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (BATF) conducted its February 28, 1993 raid on the Branch Davidian compound, and how the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) conducted the fifty-one day siege that culminated in the tank and chemical warfare assault of April 19, 1993. Missing from the discussion of how the federal government handled the Waco disaster is how the government got into the problem in the first place. In particular, how and why did the government procure the search and arrest warrants which the BATF was attempting to "serve" with its unsuccessful raid? A careful study of the Waco search warrant reveals numerous flaws, not just with the warrant application but with search and seizure law as it has developed in the 1990s. In this article, we examine in detail how the Waco warrants were procured and use the flaws in the Waco warrants to illustrate broader trends which have encroached the Fourth Amendment and other parts of the Constitution in the 1980s and 1990s. Part one of this article sets forth the background to the BATF investigation of the Branch Davidian residence at the Mount Carmel Center, outside of Waco, Texas, and suggests that there is no good reason for the federal BATF to have jurisdiction over the tax offenses it was allegedly investigating. Part two studies the warrant application and reveals how the application was riddled *2 with errors of law and fact, and offers reforms for how to reduce false or misleading statements in future warrant applications. Part three investigates the possibility that the lawful exercise of First Amendment rights may have been a key element in the BATF's determination that there was probable cause for the Waco raid. Part four proposes two broader reforms to reduce the poor quality law enforcement work of which the Waco warrant was symptomatic: first, replacing the Gates [3] "totality of the circumstances" standard for judging the sufficiency of a warrant application with the two-part Aguilar [4] test to offer magistrates better guidance; second, reinvigorating the Exclusionary Rule. I. How the Investigation BeganA. "Zee Big One" The BATF had already been on the defensive about discrimination. In 1990,
black agents had filed suit in federal court claiming that the BATF racially discriminated
in hiring, promotion and evaluation. [6] A fresh round of discrimination
complaints by black BATF agents came in October 1992, the month before 60 Minutes began
setting up interviews for the sex discrimination story. [7] The 60
Minutes report, which *3 would air on January 10, 1993, put the BATF in a vulnerable
position for the Congressional budget hearing that would take place in early March, given
the new administration's concern with sexual and racial harassment, and with reorganizing
the government. The BATF had investigated David Koresh in the summer of 1992. The BATF
investigation began about a month after an Australian tabloid television program produced
a story about Koresh. [11] Having lain moribund since the summer, the
BATF investigation perked up in mid-November. [12] By early December,
the BATF was planning the raid on a seventy-seven acre property outside Waco, the Mount
Carmel Center, *4 which the Branch Davidians called their communal home. [13] In any case, the BATF's public relations officer was stationed in Waco on the day of the raid ready to issue a press release announcing the raid's success. [19] A much-publicized raid, resulting in the seizure of hundreds of guns and dozens of "cultists" might reasonably be expected to improve the fortunes of BATF Director, Stephen Higgins, who was scheduled to testify before the U.S. Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Treasury, Postal Service, and General Government on March 10, 1993. Investigative reporter Carol Vinzant wrote:
60 Minutes rebroadcast the BATF segment a few months later. Host Mike Wallace opined that almost all the agents he talked to said that they believe the initial attack on that cult in Waco was a publicity stunt--the main goal of which was to improve ATF's tarnished image. [21] The codeword for the beginning of the BATF raid was "showtime." [22] B. Initial Investigation Koresh had a number of raising funds schemes for the Branch Davidians: mounting inert grenade hulls as plaques and selling them at gun shows was one of their biggest money-makers. [26] Custom-sewn magazine vests in tall and big sizes, under the "David Koresh Brand" label, were another specialty. [27] Koresh also used gun shows as a way to make a profit on selling surplus meals-ready-to-eat (MREs). In addition, the Davidians assembled gun parts into complete guns, which they sold to the public through a licensed dealer. The Davidians also bought many semi-automatic rifles as an investment, assuming that an anti-gun President would act in such a way as to increase their value dramatically; just as President George Bush's ban on the import of such rifles had increased their value in 1989. [28] On the day of the BATF attack, many of the Davidian guns were on display miles away at a gun show. While most guns owned by the Davidians were for investment purposes, the Davidians did
own guns for protection. Koresh was concerned about a possible attack from George Roden,
the former Branch Davidian leader, with whom Koresh and his followers had a shoot-out in
1987. [29] Roden, who escaped from an institution for the criminally
insane and was later recaptured, had The federal law requiring machine guns to be taxed and registered is the National
Firearms Act of 1934 (NFA), which was enacted with little controversy after the National
Rifle Association stated that it had no objection to the law. [32] If
not for the National Firearms Act, there would probably have been no BATF investigation or
raid on Mount Carmel, and needless deaths would not have occurred. On the other hand, the BATF knew that its records of registered machine gun owners were grossly incomplete. When a person is charged with possessing an unregistered machine gun, federal prosecutors call as a witness a BATF employee who testifies that the National Firearms Registration and Transfer Record (NFR&TR) database was checked, and the defendant was not listed as a registered machine gun owner. The federal database of machine gun owners, the NFR&TR, is maintained by the BATF. In October 1995, on a BATF agent training videotape, Thomas Busey, who was then head of the National Firearms Act Branch at the BATF, in charge of the machine gun records, made a startling admission. [35] Busey explained, "when we testify in court, we testify that the database is one hundred percent accurate. That's what we testify to, and we will always testify to that. As you probably well *9 know, that may not be one hundred percent true." [36] He elaborated: "when I first came in a year ago, our error rate was between forty-nine and fifty percent, so you can imagine what the accuracy of the NFRTR could be, if your error rate's forty-nine to fifty percent. The error rate is now down below eight percent . . . ." [37] In other words, for many years BATF employees have testified many times per year in NFA prosecutions that the NFR&TR database is one hundred percent accurate. That testimony has been consistently false. Ever since the United States Supreme Court's 1963 decision in Brady v. Maryland, prosecutors have been obliged to turn over to defendants any exculpatory material which is known to the prosecution. [38] The United States Department of Justice, whose United States Attorneys prosecute all NFA cases, has commendably lived up to this obligation. In late 1996, the Department of Justice made a mass mailing to attorneys of convicted NFA defendants, admitting that false evidence may well have been used to convict those defendants. The Department of Justice eventually found out that the BATF had known about the serious problems with the NFR&TR database since the 1970s, but BATF had failed to correct the problem. [39] The first case dismissed as a result of the BATF's disclosure of false testimony came in May 1996. A Virginia machine gun manufacturer, John D. LeaSure, had received proper BATF authorization to manufacture and transfer five machine guns to a particular customer. After making the guns, LeaSure decided he wanted to keep them for himself, as a machine gun manufacturer is legally allowed to do. He voided out the transfer forms ("Form 3") to his customer, and faxed the voided forms *10 to the BATF office. Thus, he ensured that the machine guns would be properly registered as belonging to him. [40] Long afterward, the BATF raided LeaSure's home, and charged him with possessing the five machine guns without proper registration. The BATF stated that the Form 3s showed that the machine guns were registered to someone else. LeaSure replied that the Form 3s had been voided, and the voided forms had been faxed to the BATF. Telephone company records showed a twenty-one minute toll call from LeaSure's fax line to the fax line for the BATF's NFA Branch on the day that LeaSure said he had faxed the voided Form 3s. [41] At trial, a BATF records custodian testified for the prosecution that the BATF's official records did not show any voided transfers. But at a rehearing, the witness admitted that two BATF employees in the NFA Branch had received punitive transfers because they had thrown away faxed NFA registration documents in order to reduce their personal workload. After LeaSure's attorney produced a transcript of Busey's training session, the trial judge dismissed the charges against LeaSure. [42] The simplest step to prevent a repetition of the Waco disaster would be to repeal the National Firearms Act of 1934 (NFA). States are perfectly capable of enacting their own laws regarding machine gun possession. Simple possession of an object within the boundaries of a single state is not usually an issue of legitimate federal concern. Repeal of the NFA would not mean that machine guns would be unregulated; state laws would remain in force, and states could enact additional regulations or even prohibitions. State and local police would enforce state and local laws regarding machine guns; but the repeal of the NFA would mean that the federal BATF would not be in the business of enforcing a federal machine gun law. The BATF would have to assign its personnel to more important matters, such as interstate gun-running, and the risk of people being assaulted by the BATF for violating a tax and paperwork statute would be reduced as the BATF's jurisdiction *11 was reduced. It is entirely possible to support registration and taxation of machine gun ownership,
while also believing that the federal government is not the proper entity to keep the
registration records and collect the taxes. There is little public safety benefit from
having a very troubled federal bureau perform a regulatory function which could easily be
performed by state governments. To people who hate firearms, the idea of many dozens of firearms being in the same
place is repulsive. Such people have every right to lobby for changes in current firearms
law, so as to make it illegal to possess large numbers of firearms without special
government permission. But in the absence of such legislation, there is nothing criminal
about owning a large number of guns. Obviously, it is not illegal to exercise one's First Amendment rights by believing in a false messiah such as David Koresh. Equally important, to exercise one's Second Amendment rights to the fullest degree is not against the law. Yet the BATF warrant application insinuated that the simple possession of a large number of guns was somehow evidence of crime. [45] Such insinuations are not consistent with a federal agent's oath to uphold the Constitution. For an agency to tolerate such behavior on the part of an agent is a significant sign of the agency's own disregard for the Constitution. The question for the magistrate was not whether the Branch Davidians were normal and righteous, or weird and sinful, but whether the warrant application presented probable cause to believe that evidence of a crime would be found at the Mount Carmel Center. Under our Constitution, an observation that people are heavily exercising their constitutional rights must not be an element in creating probable cause.
II. The Warrant Application*12 In evaluating the warrant application and the magistrate's issuance of the warrant, the only facts that are relevant are those presented in the application. If a warrant application presents enough facts to create probable cause, but the resulting search turns up no evidence of a crime, the magistrate should not be criticized. The fact that nothing was found does not retroactively prove that there was not probable cause to search. Conversely, a bad warrant cannot be retroactively validated by the lucky discovery of evidence. Otherwise, there would be no point to the Fourth Amendment's requirement that searches must have a valid warrant based on probable cause. The BATF affidavit in the warrant application was filled with assertions which were
misleading in the extreme. These flaws should not have been present in an affidavit
prepared with the aid of two assistant United States attorneys. [46] The
federal magistrate's acceptance of the affidavit*13 as the basis for one warrant to arrest
Koresh and another warrant to search the entire seventy-seven acre property and the entire
house, including the living quarters of over one hundred persons not mentioned in the
affidavit, may be partly due to the fact that the warrant application was presented to a
relatively inexperienced magistrate. The magistrate, Dennis G. Green, spent much of his
legal career as a prosecutor. [47] The Supreme Court requires that the
magistrate must "perform his "neutral and detached' function and not serve
merely as a rubber stamp for the police." [48] In a warrant
affidavit filled with information irrelevant to the question of whether Koresh and his
followers had violated any federal firearms laws, [49] most of the
information was misleading regarding the law, guns, gun parts, gun publications, what
Koresh and his followers had bought or not bought, and what would or would not constitute
a violation of federal laws. Naming the wrong statute would not invalidate a warrant. [52] But
the*14 error does indicate either agent Aguilera's ignorance of the law or his
carelessness, and it set the stage for more misleading statements to the magistrate. The
error also suggests that Magistrate Green did not even open the federal statutes to
determine whether the BATF had asserted facts which fit within the definition of a federal
offense. The error also suggests that the Assistant United States Attorneys who helped
Aguilera prepare the affidavit did not bother to check the law. Further misstating the law, Aguilera, immediately after asserting that he was familiar with federal laws, [56] asserted that a "machinegun conversion kit" is a combination of parts "either designed or intended" to convert a firearm into a machine gun. [57] Actually, federal law defines a conversion kit as a combination of parts designed and intended to convert an ordinary gun into a machine gun. [58] Also on the search list were items "from which a destructive device may be readily assembled." [59] Again, Aguilera and his two Assistant United*15 States Attorneys were demonstrating that they did not even open the statute books. Potential assembly, while part of the definition of machine gun, is not part of the definition of destructive device. [60] Possession of all the parts necessary to make a grenade is not considered possession of a grenade. [61] The legal distinction is eminently sensible. If one possesses all the parts necessary to make a machine gun, then one possesses an auto sear, the internal component that makes the machine gun fire repeatedly. There is no purpose to possessing an auto sear except for use in a machine gun. In contrast, millions, perhaps the majority, of American homes have all the components that are necessary to assemble a destructive device, since simple bombs can be assembled from common household goods and chemicals. The above definitions are technicalities, but the fact that two Assistant United States Attorneys and one BATF agent made these sloppy errors in a case which they all knew would be very high profile may be indicative of the poor quality of work that is apparently tolerated by some BATF and United States Attorney offices in criminal cases. If the government's lawyers will not even look up a statute, it is unlikely that they are exercising appropriate diligence and care in regard to other matters on a warrant application. Legal carelessness is apparently endemic at the BATF. The Bureau publishes a guide to
federal firearms laws: the 1995 version contains twenty-three different errors and
misstatements; all but one of the errors falls on the side of overstating the scope of
federal gun laws, and of describing various legal acts as criminal. [62]
If the parts from the E2 kit are combined with the receiver from an AR-15 Sporter semi-automatic rifle, the result is a complete AR-15 E2 model semi- automatic rifle. [70] The reason that the E2 kit is not regulated by federal law is that it is not a gun, nor is it a kit designed to convert an ordinary gun to full automatic. [71] Yet the BATF affidavit gave the false impression that the "EZ" kit was made for turning semi-automatic *17 guns into machine guns. Again, none of the spare parts actually alleged to have been delivered to Koresh were conversion kits. [72] There are two distinct ways of turning an ordinary gun into a machine gun, and Aguilera confused the two. The easy way is to install a conversion kit. As noted above, possession of a conversion kit is subject to the same legal requirements as possession of an actual machine gun. [73] Installation of a conversion kit can be accomplished by anybody who has the patience and dexterity to disassemble a gun down to its very smallest parts (the trigger assembly) and then re-assemble the gun with new parts, according to directions. [74] The hard way to create a machine gun--the way that must be used by persons without a conversion kit--is to perform extremely high-precision milling and lathing, in order to manufacture the necessary internal components for a machine gun. [75] Aguilera stated accurately that, in unrelated cases, persons have turned semi-automatic AR-15 rifles into machine guns using milling machines and lathes. [76] He also stated accurately that the Branch Davidians had "machinery and implements used or suitable for use in converting semi- automatic weapons to fully automatic weapons and for constructing various destructive devices. . . ." [77] What Aguilera did not tell the magistrate is that hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, of Americans have access to such basic machine tools in their home workshops or at work. Conversions could be accomplished with an ordinary power drill, if the person doing the conversion were extremely skilled, patient, and careful. *18 The Aguilera affidavit bounced back and forth between the two entirely different methods of creating a machine gun: conversion using a kit, and fabrication via milling and machining. [78] Perhaps Aguilera was confused about the distinction between the two different processes; a magistrate unfamiliar with firearms manufacture would almost certainly be confused. Months after the Branch Davidian residence was burned to the ground, the Treasury Department conducted a review of the conduct of its subdivision, the BATF, at Waco. The opinion of a firearms expert reprinted in the Treasury Department report noted: "None of the many pieces of information available to me is sufficient, by itself, to answer the question as to whether Koresh and his followers inside the compound were engaged in assembling automatic weapons in violation of the National Firearms Act." [79] The expert noted that the various parts *19 Koresh ordered "do not convert the rifle to automatic fire, except in combination with an automatic sear. There is no automatic sear listed in the accounting . . . . [80] The material made available does not indicate that the Branch Davidians received shipments containing automatic sears." [81] To suggest that Koresh was intending to convert AR-15 Sporters and semi- automatic imitations of the AK-47 into machine guns, Aguilera's affidavit asserted that Koresh made purchases from a South Carolina company which had all the necessary parts to "convert AR-15 rifles and semi-automatic AK-47 rifles into machine guns if their customers had the upper and lower receivers of those firearms . . . . I know that Howell possesses the upper and lower receivers for the firearms which he is apparently trying to convert to fully automatic." [82] It was highly unlikely, however, that Koresh really did possess "upper and lower receivers" for "semi-automatic AK-47 rifles." Such rifles have a solid block receiver, not separate upper and lower receivers. [83] In any case, Aguilera here was merely hinting that Koresh may have purchased the parts, since there is no allegation that those necessary parts were purchased from the South Carolina firm. In short, the only evidence that the BATF offered the magistrate that the Davidians were converting semi-automatic guns into machine guns appears to be:
Following the raid, Aguilera filed a new affidavit with more details about purchases
from South Carolina. [84] Aguilera explained that Koresh had bought
various spare parts for automatic M16 rifles. Aguilera incorrectly asserted that these
spare parts are "used to convert an AR-15 semi-automatic rifle into a M-16 machinegun
rifle." [85] To the contrary, all the parts were simply replacement
parts, and have nothing to do with conversion. If Aguilera did not know exactly what the
parts were for, he should have asked the BATF technical staff. And again, it should be noted that BATF only checked the names of a few of the many persons living at the Mount Carmel Center to see if they were registered owners of M16s; and the name check did not even involve running "David Koresh" through the computer file of registered machine gun owners. [87] The only time the investigation reached the point where it might *21 have found
probable cause that Koresh had purchased parts really capable of converting a
semi-automatic into a machine gun, the investigation, amazingly, was not followed through.
"Because of the sensitivity of this investigation, these vendors have not been
contacted by me for copies of invoices indicating the exact items shipped to the
Mag-Bag," said the Aguilera affidavit. [88] Curiously, the decision
not to investigate was later praised by the Treasury Department, which noted that agent
Aguilera "sharply circumscribed his inquiries about Koresh to third parties,
including arms dealers . . . for fear In sum, the affidavit insinuated that there was something illegal about the practice of buying a large number of guns and spare parts for those guns, and that there was something illegal about possessing a computer drawing of a machine gun. The evidence of conversion of the legal guns into illegal (unregistered) machine guns was Aguilera's false claims that various spare parts were actually conversion kits. Liberty magazine summed up the evidence in the warrant application:
Actually, the analogy is not quite identical to the Branch Davidian situation. There
was no evidence that the Branch Davidians possessed auto sears or conversion kits, which
are essential for converting a semiautomatic into an automatic. While a tiny percentage of modern smokeless powder and old-fashioned blackpowder is criminally misused, there is nothing suspicious about the acquisition of blackpowder, which is largely unregulated by the federal government. Aguilera misled the magistrate into thinking that such ownership was unusual except in association with criminal manufacture of destructive devices. The evidence regarding grenades was, however, much stronger than the evidence regarding machine guns. For machine guns, Aguilera never showed that Koresh possessed an automatic sear or a conversion kit--without which it is impossible to have a machine gun. In contrast, the affidavit did show that Koresh had all the ingredients necessary to manufacture destructive devices, such as grenades. Besides owning blackpowder and grenade hulls, Koresh had also purchased various explosives ingredients, such as magnesium metal powder and potassium nitrate. [93] But Aguilera never offered evidence that Koresh either had intended to, or in fact did,
create a destructive device, or that he had even expressed such an interest.
Significantly, the affidavit left out an obvious, and innocent, reason for the possession
of explosives: [94] the Branch Davidians were building a tornado
shelter. [95] Perhaps the magistrate would have concluded that, despite
the possible innocent explanation, there was probable cause regarding destructive devices.
But the magistrate was never informed of all the facts. The affidavit reported that a witness who had been at Mount Carmel in March through June 1992, and was subsequently interviewed by the BATF in January 1993, had "observed at the compound published *24 magazines such as, the Shotgun News and other related clandestine magazines." [96] There is nothing remotely clandestine about Shotgun News. Shotgun News is listed in the Gale Directory of Publications and Broadcast Media as being a tri-monthly publication, with a reported circulation of about 165,000. Published by Snell Publishing Company of Hastings, Nebraska, subscriptions are available by mail or telephone; [97] VISA and MasterCard are accepted. [98] The BATF headquarters and various field offices had subscriptions to the "clandestine" publication [99] because the magazine advertises firearms and accessories, as well as many types of other weaponry and collectibles. None of the other alleged "clandestine" publications were identified. [100] It should be noted that lying on a sworn warrant affidavit is a federal felony. [101] A warrant based on deliberately falsified information is generally invalid. [102] In addition, the same witness reportedly "heard extensive talk of the existence of the Anarchist Cook Book," but apparently saw no evidence of the entirely legal book. [103] There was no evidence that Koresh or anyone else in Mount Carmel Center actually owned a copy of The Anarchist Cookbook. [104] While there is no law against owning Shotgun News or The Anarchist*25
Cookbook, BATF agent Aguilera did think The Anarchist Cookbook was
illegal. [105] His ignorance of the law says much about the poor
quality of training given to some BATF agents and their ignorance of Constitutional law. Marc Breault, Koresh's angry former lieutenant, provided much of the information about Koresh. The fact that Breault is legally blind [107]--a fact which could undercut Breault's reliability about his alleged observations--was never mentioned to the magistrate. [108] Moreover, the warrant application never mentioned "that Breault left the compound as an opponent of Koresh," and, indeed, devoted his life to a vendetta against Koresh, a fact which would certainly have affected a responsible magistrate's judgment of Breault's veracity. [109] As a reform, affiants should be required to disclose evidence affecting the reliability or credibility of witnesses. The affidavit repeated statements from several people who said they had heard or seen machine guns at Mount Carmel. With one exception *26 discussed below, there was no reason to believe that any of these witnesses possessed reliable or verifiable information. The allegations that Koresh owned machine guns were made by persons who were clearly ignorant of firearms and could not reliably testify to whether the guns, or the pictures of guns they saw, were legal semi-automatic firearms or illegal automatic machine guns. Aguilera attempted to establish that he believed one witness, Jeannine Bunds, who had once been one of Koresh's wives, was able to identify an AK-47. Based on her descriptions, "she knew it was a machinegun because it functioned with a very rapid fire and would tear up the ground when Howell shot it." [110] In fact, almost any gun will tear up the ground when bullets are fired into the ground. Most guns which are not machine guns can be fired at the rate of over one shot per second, if the shooter does not bother aiming. Such a rate of fire would likely sound like a machine gun to a person who knows little about guns; a BATF agent ought to know better. Only slightly more credible was Deborah Sue Bunds' recollection of hearing guns firing more rapidly than the guns she was used to from regular firearms training sessions. [111] Other witnesses in the affidavit provided even weaker evidence. Robyn Bunds (an adult daughter of Debbie Bunds) stated that her brother, who "has some knowledge of firearms," [112] had once seen something that he thought was a conversion kit. However, Aguilera did not interview the brother. [113] In 1932, the United States Supreme Court, concerned about the invasions of private homes that resulted from federal alcohol prohibition laws, unanimously ruled that search warrants must be based upon evidence that would be admissible in court. [114] Hearsay evidence is generally not admissible. [115] Unfortunately, the Court changed its mind seventeen *27 years later. [116] It would be appropriate for the Supreme Court to reinstate its rule against the use of hearsay and other legally inadmissible evidence to obtain search warrants. Alternatively, Congress could statutorily forbid the use of such evidence in federal courts for any purpose, including search warrants. The prohibition on hearsay evidence in warrant application should include the same exceptions as does the courtroom rule against hearsay. For example, hearsay can be used if the actual witness is unavailable by reason of death or incapacity. [117] Further, when a witness' knowledge of a particular subject (i.e. the difference between a real machine gun, and a gun which just looks like a machine gun) is necessary to establish probable cause, the warrant application should disclose the basis of the witness' knowledge. This requirement would have forced Aguilera to disclose that most of the persons who claimed that they had seen machine guns at Mount Carmel would freely admit they knew almost nothing about guns. Although agent Aguilera presented reports from plainly ignorant witnesses to the magistrate as if they knew what they were talking about, Aguilera did not hesitate to impeach an informant's knowledge when impeachment suited Aguilera's purposes. "Mr. Block," Aguilera wrote, "told me that he observed a .50 caliber rifle mounted on a bi-pod along with .50 caliber ammunition. However, what Mr. Block described to ATF agents was a British Boys, .52 caliber, anti-tank rifle (a destructive device)." [118] A firearm with a caliber larger than .50 is a "destructive device" under federal law, and can only be possessed if registered; hence the significance of whether the gun was a .50 or .52 caliber. [119] The affidavit goes on to assert that Block heard talk of additional *28 . 50 caliber rifles and the possibility of converting the .50 caliber and other rifles to machine guns. [120] This conversation did provide some evidence supporting probable cause. Since warrants are not to be judged retrospectively, the value of the evidence in support of the warrant is not undercut by the fact, discovered much later, that the .50 caliber rifles had not been converted. The subsequent Treasury investigation of the BATF's activities makes it clear that the BATF and agent Aguilera should have known that some of Aguilera's witnesses were unreliable. This knowledge would have undermined the validity of the witnesses' evidence as a basis for a search or arrest warrant. Two of the six key witnesses who had at some point lived at Mount Carmel mentioned twenty-four hour armed guards. [121] Yet the raid planners "concluded that neither armed guards nor sentries were posted at the Compound at any time." [122] The planners' conclusions demonstrate that the BATF doubted the reliability of the witnesses--but never shared those doubts with the magistrate. [123] *29 The one witness whom Aguilera quoted in the affidavit who actually did know something about guns was a farmer with property near the Mount Carmel ranch. This individual stated that he knew machine gun fire when he heard it, and that he had heard the Branch Davidians shooting machine guns. [124] Later, he offered law enforcement authorities his residence to be used as a
surveillance post. [125] What the BATF affidavit did not report to the
magistrate was that the farmer had already complained to the Sheriff's office. In response
to this complaint, the Sheriff's office investigated and found that the supposed machine
gun fire actually involved something similar to the "Hellfire device," an
unregulated trigger attachment that makes guns sound like machine guns. The BATF's
affidavit also failed to note that the farmer may have been hostile toward Koresh because
they were allegedly involved in a dispute regarding property lines. [126]
Affiants should be required to divulge exculpatory evidence, such as the sheriff's
investigation of alleged machine gun fire at Mount Carmel Center. Unfortunately, while the Supreme Court has announced a clear rule that warrants may not
use stale information, many lower federal courts have been lax in enforcing this rule, and
have allowed search warrants based on information that was many months, or even two years,
old. [131] To give courts appropriate guidance, federal law should
specify a cutoff period, such as six months, beyond which information should automatically
be considered stale. Another irrelevant and possibly misleading assertion in the affidavit was that a deputy sheriff heard a loud explosion and observed "a large cloud of grey smoke dissipating from ground level." [134] Aguilera was presumably attempting to strengthen the notion that "explosive devices" were possessed by Koresh. The explosion was quite possibly related to the construction of the tornado shelter that the Branch Davidians were building. Aguilera's statement fails to note whether the deputy sheriff who told Aguilera of the explosion also told him if he had investigated the matter and what he had found, or why he had not bothered to investigate. Other allegations were even weaker, such as a claim by Marc Breault, Koresh's disaffected former lieutenant who had left the residence in 1989, that Koresh had falsely imprisoned a woman in June 1991. [135] The warrant application does not disclose that the FBI had investigated the case in April 1992, and closed the case in June 1992. [136] After the BATF attack on Mount Carmel, Aguilera returned tocourt *32 to ask for an expanded search warrant. In the second warrant application, Aguilera reported an incident of child sexual abuse by Koresh which had been alleged by a Texas social worker. No time frame for the alleged abuse was given. [137] Even after the massive shoot-out, Aguilera was apparently still determined to prejudice the courts by bringing up possible violations of Texas state law which, nearly a year before, the State of Texas had found no cause to pursue further. [138] The September 1993 Treasury Department review offers justification for why BATF--which
is not a child welfare agency--kept bringing up stale charges from the child abuse
investigation: "While reports that Koresh was permitted to sexually and physically
abuse children were not evidence that firearms or explosives violations were occurring,
they showed Koresh to have set up a world of his own, where legal prohibitions were
disregarded freely." [139] The Treasury Department theory would
allow law enforcement agencies to use all allegations of any serious criminal activity to
establish probable cause that other crimes were also being committed.
III. The Final Element of Probable Cause*33 Despite the concerted BATF investigation, as of December 1992 the Bureau believed
that it had failed to amass enough evidence to create probable cause for a search warrant.
[142] According to a confidential source, a memorandum from the FBI's
San Antonio office dated five days prior to the BATF raid noted that "ATF intends to
execute a warrant on 3/1 [143] . . . to date no information has been
developed to verify the allegations." [144] Regardless of the Treasury Department's retrospective assertion of probable cause, the BATF's belief that probable cause did not exist until February 1993 helps to explain the approach taken by the BATF affidavit for a search warrant. Much of agent Aguilera's affidavit appears intended to convey a dislike and suspicion of Koresh and his followers without formally asserting that anything unlawful had been done. Some irony in the effort to condemn Koresh regardless of what he did appears in the final paragraph of the affidavit, where it is asserted both that persons engaged in violating the gun laws "employ surreptitious methods and means," and that they also "maintain records of receipt and ownership." [148] Lacking probable cause, the BATF began an undercover operation at Mount Carmel in early 1993. On January 10, 1993, BATF agents set up surveillance cameras at a house three hundred yards away from the Davidian residence. After less than two weeks, the agents decided that "we weren't getting what we wanted" and decided to send an undercover agent into Mount Carmel. [149] The remote and undercover surveillance revealed no evidence of anything illegal. [150] Unsuccessful efforts were also taking place away from Mount Carmel. In the December 1992 and January 1993 interviews, the only informants whom the BATF could find were disenchanted ex-Davidians *35 with very stale information. Three members of the Bunds family, who had left Mount Carmel before 1992, were interviewed. In these interviews, the Bunds described events occurring between 1989 and 1991. The Bunds were not knowledgeable about firearms and identified firearms by looking at pictures and remembering how rapidly the guns fired. All of the information from the Bunds was stale and unreliable. [151] One witness, Marc Breault, did indicate that Koresh thought "gun control laws were ludicrous, because an individual could easily acquire a firearm and the necessary parts to convert it to a machinegun, but if a person had the gun and the parts together they would be in violation of the law." [152] Koresh was not quoted as having confessed to any such conjunction of events. Koresh was wrong about the law; acquiring the crucial parts to assemble a machine gun is as difficult under federal law as is acquiring an automatic machine gun. [153] Still, Koresh's incorrect belief that the machine gun law was easy to evade might be considered by some people as evidence of an interest in the evading law. All of the other interviews in the revived investigation were completed by January 25, 1993. [154] The BATF sent an undercover agent, Robert Rodriguez, inside Mount Carmel this information was the only information obtained during the month of February. Rodriguez was never really a covert agent; Koresh was on to him from the start. [155] Koresh played the guitar for Rodriguez, read from the Bible, and invited him to take training preparatory to joining the group. Koresh warned Rodriguez that "if he joined the Branch Davidians, he would be disliked because the Government did not consider the group religious and that he (Koresh) did not pay federal or local taxes because he felt he did not have to." [156] Aguilera went on to explain what seems to have been the basis for the BATF's belief that probable cause existed:
Based on the rambling fifteen-page affidavit by Aguilera which climaxed with the report of agent Rodriguez, Aguilera announced, "I believe that Vernon Howell, also known as David Koresh, and/or his followers . . . are unlawfully manufacturing and possessing machineguns and explosive devices." [160] Magistrate Green apparently agreed, and on February 25, 1993, issued a search warrant for machine guns and destructive devices and an arrest warrant for Vernon Howell, a.k.a. David Koresh, for possession of destructive devices. [161] The key evidence appears to have been Koresh's religious views, pro-gun rights views, criticism of federal gun laws, and hostility toward the BATF, all of which are protected by the First Amendment. On March 19, 1993, as part of the negotiations between the government and Koresh, Koresh was allowed to see the original search warrant. Accordingly, any law enforcement purpose for keeping the warrant secret from the public vanished. Nevertheless, the warrant remained sealed until after the April 19, 1993 fire at the Branch Davidian compound. [162] Had the warrant been dissected while the siege was in progress, the fact the warrant was built on falsehoods and distortions might have become an important topic of discussion in the media, and might have created pressure for the federal government to pursue only peaceful outcomes. By the time the warrant was released, however, Mount Carmel was in ashes and the warrant was irrelevant. Although federal courts have agreed that search warrants and supporting affidavits should be open to inspection by the public, a warrant may remain sealed when the government demonstrates a compelling *38 state interest in maintaining secrecy. [163] Even in such a case, as much of the warrant and affidavit as possible is supposed to be released, while confidential portions can be redacted. [164] At Waco, once the government voluntarily gave the warrants and warrant application to the Branch Davidians, there was no longer any law enforcement interest in keeping the warrant hidden from the American people and the media. While the magistrate's decision to allow the warrant to be kept secret appears inconsistent with established case law, there was nothing that could be done to reverse the decision at a time when reversal could have mattered. As a prophylactic to future abuse of the sealing process, it is necessary for Congress to amend the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure to specify that after the service of a search warrant, the warrant and all supporting documents should be made available to the public within twenty-four hours, unless the government demonstrates by clear and convincing evidence that there is a substantial risk that specific harm may result from unsealing the warrant. Mere generalized assertions by the government that unsealing the warrant would compromise an investigation should not be sufficient. Many days after the BATF assault, Magistrate Green issued another sealed warrant which
dramatically expanded the items to be searched for at Mount Carmel Center. Some of the
expansion was to items relevant to investigation of the possible charges related to the
Branch Davidian resistance to the BATF's serving of the first warrant (spent cartridges,
bullets, bullet holes, blood, and the like), but the new warrant was also for video-and
audiotapes which would indicate criticism "of firearms law enforcement and
particularly the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF)," as "evidence of
Howell or other cult members' motive for wanting to shoot and kill ATF agents." [165] IV. Restoring the Fourth AmendmentMagistrate Green was apparently quite sloppy, but his decision to issue the warrant was not necessarily incorrect. Because Green relied on Aguilera's false statements that Koresh's spare parts purchases were actually purchases of conversion kits, it was not unreasonable for Green to conclude that Koresh might be converting semi-automatics into machine guns. On other hand, if Magistrate Green had been careful, he might have immediately noticed small problems with the warrant application (such as getting statutory definitions wrong), which might have led him to interview Aguilera thoroughly enough to find the big problems with the warrant, such as Aguilera's often misleading presentation of the facts. The framers of the Fourth Amendment envisioned an independent judiciary exercising oversight of the executive branch, making sure there existed probable cause before privacy rights could be infringed by government. In conformity to the Fourth Amendment, the Supreme Court has long insisted that a warrant may only issue upon the determination of a neutral and detached magistrate that probable cause exists to believe that the search will yield evidence of crime. [166] The magistrate is to serve as something more than a rubber stamp. [167] Magistrate Green did not so much as open the United States Code *40 to determine that the statute Koresh was alleged to have violated was merely a definition of "destructive device." He apparently did not notice that virtually no one who claimed to have seen or heard Koresh's machine guns was alleged to have knowledge of firearms, or that most of the allegations did not assert possible violations of federal law, or that almost all the evidence was over six months old. Defenders of the BATF's raid took heart in the testimony of Gerald Goldstein, president of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, that the warrant application was probably valid under existing federal law:
Goldstein also noted that deliberately inflammatory statements would not matter, nor
would the fact that outright lies and perjured statements were used: "the judge would
simply excise that out, and *41 you'd redact it." [169] He went on
to complain that virtually none of the flaws in the warrant, including staleness and
overbreadth, were uncommon or would be used to exclude evidence in most real-world
situations. [170] All of these purposes were undermined by the 1984 Supreme Court decision in United States v. Leon. That decision allows the introduction of evidence seized by police relying in "good faith" on a search *42 warrant, even when the warrant is later found to lack the Constitutionally required probable cause. [176] Since the BATF agents conducting the Waco raid were acting in "good faith" on a warrant issued by a neglectful magistrate, no evidence they found could be excluded--even if there was no probable cause. When creating the "good faith" exception, the Supreme Court majority reasoned that the exclusionary rule is designed to deter police misconduct rather than to punish the errors of judges. [177] Since there exists no evidence suggesting that judges and magistrates are inclined to ignore or subvert the Fourth Amendment, there would be only marginal or non-existent benefits to excluding evidence found as a result of good-faith reliance on a warrant. [178] Whatever appeal the Supreme Court majority's reasoning may have had in the abstract in 1984, the Leon rationale has been disproved by the sad experience of law enforcement since then, including at Waco. First, Leon argued that judges and magistrates do not seek to subvert the Fourth Amendment. [179] Yet while judges or magistrates may not be hostile to the Fourth Amendment, many are indifferent to it. [180] Like Magistrate Green, they make little effort to review a warrant application for accuracy. Observed Koresh's attorney, Dick DeGuerin:
*43 Leon removes the incentive for a magistrate to be sure that he only issues search
warrants when there is probable cause, since his issuance of the warrant cannot be
meaningfully challenged later. The third purpose of the exclusionary rule--promoting popular confidence in government--has also been undermined. Waco is merely the tip of the iceberg of persons subjected to violent "searches" and "dynamic entries" into their homes as a result of warrants that are based on lies and which lack probable cause. [182] Such constitutional misconduct has played a major role in creating the current climate of mistrust of government. Finally, it is true that many criminals purport to excuse (to themselves) their own criminality by telling themselves that the government also commits crimes. The criminals who perpetrated the heinous bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City may fall in this category. [183] DeGuerin was correct to tell Congress: "If you can undo Leon, that would be a giant step in the right direction." [184] While the Supreme Court sets the minimum standards for what kind of evidence can be admitted in court, Congress can set higher standards for federal courts. *44 Thus, Congress should enact a statute which prohibits all use in federal courts of evidence seized in violation of the Constitution. If a search was illegal, the product of the search should not be allowed in court. Unfortunately, some persons in Congress, wrapping themselves in the mantle of "law and order," are pushing legislation which would go even further than Leon in promoting bad faith, lawless police conduct. For example, a 1995 bill sponsored by then Senator Robert Dole would wipe out the exclusionary rule entirely in federal courts. [185] Instead, persons victimized by illegal searches would be allowed to sue the government, although the suit could recover no more than $30,000 in actual damages, no matter how great the damage that was caused by the illegal search. [186] In other words, evidence would be admitted, even when it was clear that the police acted in bad faith and in knowing violation of the Constitution. Another bill, H.R. 666, [187] which passed the House but never came up in the Senate, went further than Leon, but not as far as the Dole bill. H.R. 666 would allow use of evidence when the police officer reasonably believed that seizing the evidence was lawful, even when the police officer did not first obtain a search warrant. Amendments to the bill specified that the expansion of immunity from the exclusionary rule would not apply to the BATF and the IRS. [188] Supporters of legislation such as Dole's bill claim that they are only objecting to the exclusionary rule, which they deride as a "technicality." But really, their objection is to the Fourth Amendment itself. The exclusionary rule merely establishes a practical mechanism to enforce the Fourth Amendment. The Fourth Amendment is not a "technicality." Government conduct in violation of the Constitution is a far more serious breach of law and order than is the conduct of a lone individual who violates a mere statute or regulation. The proponents of exclusionary rule destruction assert that allowing the victims of
illegal searches to sue the government will actually be a better deterrent to police
misconduct than is the current exclusionary *45 rule. It is difficult to believe that they
take this argument seriously, when they Persons hostile to the Fourth Amendment exclusionary rule are wrong when they tell the public that keeping illegal evidence out of court harms law enforcement. A 1979 study (conducted before the weakening of the exclusionary rule that took place in the 1980s and 1990s) found that in only a small percent of federal prosecutions was even a single piece of evidence excluded as a result of the exclusionary rule. [189] The impact is even lower in violent crimes, for search and seizure violations disproportionately cluster in the investigation of victimless crimes, including possession of firearms without proper paperwork. A streamlined administrative action should be established to allow victims of illegal
searches to recover their damages without having to go through the long process of a
lawsuit in federal court. This administrative remedy should supplement, not replace, the
exclusionary rule. [190] The second prong of the two-part test was the informant's veracity. Was there reason to believe that the informant, even if he had a good basis of knowledge, was telling the truth? The veracity prong was frequently examined for two factors: credibility and reliability. Regarding credibility, was the informant someone with a strong personal motive to lie such as a criminal who was working as an informant in order to receive more lenient treatment for his own crimes? Conversely, did the informant have nothing personal to gain by conveying the information? The reliability factor examined whether the informant, even without a motive to lie, was a good observer of events. One way to test reliability would be for the police to corroborate some of what the informant had said. For example, if the informant said that a suspect lived at a particular address, the police could verify the information, either by using a phone book, or by observing who came and went at the *47 particular address. Verification of suspicious activity would be more important than verification of innocent activity. For example, if an informant said that someone ran a crack house at a particular address, the police could corroborate the tip by observing many persons coming and going from the house at unusual hours, but only spending a few minutes, and coming out with a glassy look in their eyes; this corroboration would be much stronger than merely corroborating that the suspect happened to live at the house in question. The Supreme Court's two-part test provided structured guidance to magistrates who were asked to issue warrants based on informant tips. The two-part test likewise guided law enforcement officers who were seeking to obtain a search warrant. They knew that they should investigate the informant's basis of knowledge and veracity, and that corroborating incriminating information from the tip would be especially important. The net effect was that informant tips would rarely be the only basis for a search warrant. Instead, informant data would be the starting point for a more thorough investigation to build probable cause. The two-prong test promoted good police work. But like many other civil liberties protections, the Aguilar two-prong test fell victim to the drug war. In 1983, the Supreme Court heard Illinois v. Gates involving a search warrant which three lower courts had ruled clearly failed the two-part test. [192] Someone had written an anonymous poison-pen letter accusing a married couple of being drug dealers. [193] The letter indicated no basis of knowledge. [194] The writer did not even know the couple's address. [195] The police did attempt to corroborate some information from the tip, but the only information corroborated was of innocent conduct. The husband flew down to Florida where he met his wife, and the two were observed driving north, in the direction of Disneyworld. [196] Issuing a search warrant for the couple's home was plainly wrong *48 under the Aguilar
two-prong test, as a trial court, intermediate court of appeals, and the Illinois Supreme
Court all found. [197] The United States Supreme Court did not
disagree. Instead, the Court majority, in an opinion written by Justice Rehnquist,
scrapped the two-prong Aguilar test (without actually overruling Aguilar), and replaced it
with a "totality of the circumstances" test. [198] For example, in the Waco warrant application, the magistrate made no inquiry into the credibility or reliability of the BATF agent Aguilera's informants. If the magistrate had, he might have discovered that Aguilera's principal informant, Marc Breault, had very poor credibility (he was a self- described "cult-buster" with what he called a "vendetta" against Koresh [200]) and even worse reliability (he was legally blind [201]). An example of the kind of searches which the Gates standard (which has been adopted by many state courts) encourages was the search that led to the death of the Reverend Accelyne Williams. Reverend Williams was a substance abuse counselor in a poor neighborhood in Boston. [202] An informant gave the police the address of a drug dealer, *49 but the address did not include an apartment number. Freed by Gates from any requirement to corroborate anything the informant said, the police promptly obtained a search warrant. Of course, if the police had attempted corroboration, they would have found that the apartment the police believed to be in question belonged to a seventy-year-old retired Methodist minister, and there were no signs of drug activity at the apartment. Armed with the search warrant, and plenty of firearms, the Boston police executed a dynamic entry, breaking into the Reverend Williams' apartment, chasing him into his bedroom, shoving him to the floor and handcuffing him while pointing guns at his head. He promptly died of a heart attack. [203] Given the real-world impact of Gates' lowering of standards for police work, including
the many BATF cases built on informants, the United States Supreme Court should overrule
Illinois v. Gates. Further, Congress should exercise its power to set standards for
federal courts, and should enact a statute mandating that the two-prong test be used when
magistrates are asked to issue warrants based on informants. Congress should bar the use
of evidence in federal courts which is obtained in violation of the two-prong test. Combining most of the policy suggestions in this article, we propose the following Fourth Amendment enforcement statute: Chapter 205 of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding the following new
section:
(b) An order to seal a warrant, affidavit, record of testimony, related papers, or
voice recording shall not extend beyond the shorter of: thirty (30) days from the date of
entry of such order; or the execution of the warrant. Such order may be renewed upon a
showing of good *51 cause. An order to seal may only be based on a demonstration, by clear
and convincing evidence, that (c) Notwithstanding any other law or rule, evidence which is obtained as a result of the execution of a warrant, but which warrant was issued without compliance with all provisions of subsection (a) shall not be admissible in any court of the United States and shall not be used by the United States for any purpose. (B) Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 41(f) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding: "Evidence that would otherwise be suppressed may not be admitted based on a government official's good faith in conducting the search and seizure or in obtaining or relying on the warrant." The Waco warrant application was deeply flawed, and riddled with misleading or false statements of law and fact. The warrant application illustrates the low standards to which some federal law enforcement agencies, and United States Attorney's offices, have declined as a result of lax attitudes towards warrants in too much of the judiciary, including a majority of the United States Supreme Court. As a remedy, Congress should enact legislation restoring search and seizure standards to full strength. Footnotes 1. Research Director, Independence Institute, J.D. 1985, University of
Michigan Law School; B.A. in History, 1982, Brown University. This article is based on,
but revised from, a chapter of the authors' book No More
Wacos: What's Wrong with Federal Law Enforcement and How to Fix It (1997). The
Independence Institute world-wide web site includes a Waco page offering a wide variety of
Waco resources, including, inter alia, a link to the search warrant application discussed
in this article. Independence Institute (visited
Feb. 7, 1997). 46. Treasury Report, supra note 13, at 73.
Peter G. Kokalis, Full Auto, Soldier of Fortune, Dec. 1989, at 16. The sear is a pivoting bar that forms the link between the trigger and the hammer. In
an automatic, the hammer falls repeatedly, even though the trigger is not pressed
repeatedly; accordingly, automatic firearms require a special sear. 126. Interview, supra note 28, at 46-50. The devices were
ACTs, according to McMahon, but Koresh referred to them as Hellfire devices in talking to
FBI negotiators. And he said that he told BATF's undercover agent Robert Rodriguez about
them, and that the issue had been cleared up with the sheriff. Transcript of BATF Audio
Tapes of the Negotiations Between Federal Law Enforcement and the Branch Davidians (Mar.
20, 1993) (on file with author Kopel). While it is true that guns are much more durable than drugs, evidence that is more than
half a year old is stale enough so that it simply should not be allowed. if there is some
real threat to public safety, the federal government ought to be able to finish an
investigation in half a year. 142. According to Marc Breault, on Dec. 15, 1992,
Aguilera stated that there was "circumstantial" evidence about Koresh, but
Aguilera "could not do anything because he lacked direct evidence." Breault
& King, supra note 105, at 299-300. The federal government's treating automatic sears the same as machine guns (for which that
auto sear is the essential component) dates to 1981. Automatic sears manufactured before
1981 are "grandfathered," and are not subject to the same restrictions as
machine guns; the policy was not to suddenly turn the owners of old auto sears into
felons. Koresh's possession of the single grandfathered auto sear--while
legal--demonstrates his capability of converting one semi-automatic rifle to full
automatic. Because the BATF had decided not to ask Koresh's firearms parts suppliers
exactly what firearms parts Koresh had bought, the evidence about the grandfathered auto
sear was not presented to the magistrate in the warrant application. This evidence would
have been the strongest evidence in the application. The second search warrant also authorized search for photographs, because, the BATF agent explained, "I know that often times persons who violate firearms laws take or cause to be taken photographs of themselves displaying their weapons ..." Id. What the BATF agent who procured the second warrant neglected to note to Magistrate Green
was that photographs of inert grenade hulls look identical to those of live grenades, and
the photographs of semi-automatic firearms generally look identical to photographs of
semi-automatic firearms unlawfully converted to full-auto. And, while persons who violate
gun laws often have photographs taken of themselves with their firearms--certainly true of
criminals such as "Billy the Kid" and Lee Harvey Oswald--the statement is also
true of children posing with their cap guns in hand or holster, successful hunters and
target shooters, and politicians seeking gun owner votes.
Joint Hearings, supra note 15, at 197. Inconsistencies were not a problem for the groups which most seriously questioned the
Waco search warrant. The American Civil Liberties Union
(ACLU) unsuccessfully lobbied against H.R. 666. The NRA
remained neutral at the time since its Board of Directors had not specifically created a
policy on such Fourth Amendment issues. Since then, a policy has been articulated which
would require the NRA to lobby against such legislation. |
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