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January-March 2010 Archive


A few weeks ago, I linked to a picture of civil rights activist John Salter being attacked by a mob during a lunch counter sit-in during the 1960s. I also linked to a newspaper op-ed in which Salter explained how he and other civil rights workers used firearms for protection from Klansmen and other terrorists—when Klansmen knew that a homicide would not be witnessed by the news media. Since that blog post seemed to draw great interest from the readers, I thought that some persons might be interested in the longer version of Salter’s history of the role of armed self-defense in the Civil Rights Movement.
The longer version is John R. Salter, Jr., “Social Justice  Community Organizing and the Necessity for Protective Firearms,” which is chapter 2 of The Gun Culture and Its Enemies 19–23 (William R. Tonso, editor, Merril Press,  1990.) (Merril Press is the press for the Second Amendment Foundation.) The chapter was first published as an article by Salter in Against the Current, July/August 1988. The magazine describes itself as an “analytical journal for the broad revolutionary left.”
http://www.solidarity-us.org/current/publications
Unfortunately, neither version is available on-line, so I will provide a summary.
In the mid-1960s, Salter was a full-time community organizer for the Southern Conference Educational Fund, in the very poor and highly segregated North Carolina black belt. Klan activity was heavy, and “Local law enforcement was almost completely dominated by the United Klans of America.” Klan dues were collected at the police station in Enfield.
Having received many death threats, Salter carried a Smith & Wesson .38 special in his attaché case. One night, on a long stretch of isolated country road, a Klan vehicle tried to force Salter’s car into a high-speed chase, by tailing him nearly bumper-to-bumper. “But I continued to drive sedately, mile after mile…with my revolver in my hand.” Salter and the other community organizers had put out word on the grapevine that they were all armed, and he surmises that this was the reason that the Klansmen did not try to shoot him that night.
Soon after, “a local civil rights stalwart, Mrs. Alice Evans, of Enfield, opened fire with her double-barreled 12 gauge, sprinkling several KKKers with birdshot as they endeavored to burn a cross in her driveway one night and, simultaneously , approaching her homes with buckets of gasoline.” The Klansmen fled and went to the hospital. Mrs. Evans donated the cross to the Smithsonian Museum.
Salter then recounts the story of the armed students and teachers who protected Tougaloo College, near Jackson, Mississippi, when Salter taught there in 1961–63. That story is recounted in the op-ed to which I linked in the previous post.
In late 1964, the Klan was scheduling a state-wide rally in Halifax County, near a black residential area. Rally posters were displayed at “most law enforcement offices in the county.” Salter and his fellow organizers asked the office of Governor Terry Sanford to provide state police protection for the black residents. Sanford’s office ignored the requests, until Salter went to Sanford’s office, got a meeting with the chief of staff, and told him that if the state police did not provide protection, “our people, armed to the hilt, would have no hesitation about utilizing armed self-defense in the event of Klan violence. Visibly shaken, the aide left me and conferred with Sanford. He returned quickly to promise the state police.”
Klan rallies continued for several more months in the area, and so did state police protection.
In 1965 in North Carolina, the FBI and Justice Department told Salter than an informant inside a United Klans klavern had reported on a plan to bomb Salter’s home in Raleigh.The FBI agent told Salter and his wife that the federal government could not do anything about it. Of course, “Local law enforcement was not reliable. Fortunately, we lived in the middle of a heavily armed Black community,” and Salter’s neighbors were “very protective.” They and Salter put out the word that the community was armed for defense. Thus, “We were not surprised when the bombing effort never materialized.”
In the summer of 1970, Salter was Southside Director for the Chicago Commons Association. As such, he was a community organizer for mostly “Black, Puerto Rican, and Chicano” people. On the South/Southwest side of Chicago, the racism was “often more violent and sanguinary than the Deep South of the previous decade. The Richard Daley machine was openly antagonistic to us . . .” In some but not all districts, the police were in league with the racists.
Death threats were frequent. When they were phoned in, Salter told the callers, “that I had a ticket for them, a pass to permanent eternity via my Marlin .444.” One day while Salter was at work and his wife was at home, some men with knives came to the home, but a vigilant neighbor with a revolver frightened them away.
In Chicago in 1973, Salter’s community network of nearly 300 block clubs “set up public citizen ‘watch-dog’ patrols.” These were generally unarmed, with “primary backup from a network of armed citizenry in the neighborhoods,” with whom the patrols stayed in contact via Citizens Band radio and telephone. “The effects of this well known campaign in deterring while racial violence were consistently substantial.” Soon, and as a result, politicians “forced in effect increasingly responsible and egalitarian law enforcement practices. But the patrols and vigilance of armed neighborhoods continued.”
In conclusion, Salter writers that firearms are not an absolute guarantee of safety for community organizers;  Medger  W. Evers (NAACP Field Secretary for Mississippi) was murdered in June 1963, but being armed had helped him to live for nine years longer than most people expected he would when he took the job in 1954.
In sum, “I am stating categorically that the number of fatalities” was “much smaller” because “organizers and their grassroots groups”  were “sensibly armed for self-defense.”

A few weeks ago, I linked to a picture of civil rights activist John Salter being attacked by a mob during a lunch counter sit-in during the 1960s. I also linked to a newspaper op-ed in which Salter explained how he and other civil rights workers used firearms for protection from Klansmen and other terrorists—when Klansmen knew that a homicide would not be witnessed by the news media. Since that blog post drew great interest from the readers, I thought that some persons might be interested in the longer version of Salter’s history of the role of armed self-defense in the Civil Rights Movement.

The longer version is John R. Salter, Jr., “Social Justice  Community Organizing and the Necessity for Protective Firearms,” which is chapter 2 of The Gun Culture and Its Enemies , pp. 19–23 (William R. Tonso, editor, Merril Press,  1990.) (Merril Press is the press for the Second Amendment Foundation.) The chapter was first published as an article by Salter in Against the Current, July/August 1988. The magazine describes itself as an “analytical journal for the broad revolutionary left.” Since neither version is available on-line, I will provide a summary.

In the mid-1960s, Salter was a full-time community organizer for the Southern Conference Educational Fund, in the very poor and highly segregated North Carolina black belt. Klan activity was heavy, and “Local law enforcement was almost completely dominated by the United Klans of America.” Klan dues were collected at the police station in Enfield.

Having received many death threats, Salter carried a Smith & Wesson .38 special in his attaché case. One night, on a long stretch of isolated country road, a Klan vehicle tried to force Salter’s car into a high-speed chase, by tailing him nearly bumper-to-bumper. “But I continued to drive sedately, mile after mile…with my revolver in my hand.” Salter and the other community organizers had put out word on the grapevine that they were all armed, and he surmises that this was the reason that the Klansmen did not try to shoot him that night.

Soon after, “a local civil rights stalwart, Mrs. Alice Evans, of Enfield, opened fire with her double-barreled 12 gauge, sprinkling several KKKers with birdshot as they endeavored to burn a cross in her driveway one night and, simultaneously, approaching her home with buckets of gasoline.” The Klansmen fled and went to the hospital. Mrs. Evans donated the cross to the Smithsonian Museum.

Salter then recounts the story of the armed students and teachers who protected Tougaloo College, near Jackson, Mississippi, when Salter taught there in 1961–63. That story is recounted in the op-ed to which I linked in the previous post.

In late 1964, the Klan was scheduling a state-wide rally in Halifax County, N.C., near a black residential area. Rally posters were displayed at “most law enforcement offices in the county.” Salter and his fellow organizers asked the office of Governor Terry Sanford to provide state police protection for the black residents. Sanford’s office ignored the requests, until Salter went to Sanford’s office, got a meeting with the chief of staff, and told him that if the state police did not provide protection, “our people, armed to the hilt, would have no hesitation about utilizing armed self-defense in the event of Klan violence. Visibly shaken, the aide left me and conferred with Sanford. He returned quickly to promise the state police.”

Klan rallies continued for several more months in the area, and so did state police protection.

In 1965 in North Carolina, the FBI and Justice Department told Salter than an informant inside a United Klans klavern had reported on a plan to bomb Salter’s home in Raleigh.The FBI agent told Salter and his wife that the federal government could not do anything about it. Of course, “Local law enforcement was not reliable. Fortunately, we lived in the middle of a heavily armed Black community,” and Salter’s neighbors were “very protective.” They and Salter put out the word that the community was armed for defense. Thus, “We were not surprised when the bombing effort never materialized.”

In the summer of 1970, Salter was Southside Director for the Chicago Commons Association. As such, he was a community organizer for mostly “Black, Puerto Rican, and Chicano” people. On the South/Southwest side of Chicago, the racism was “often more violent and sanguinary than the Deep South of the previous decade. The Richard Daley machine was openly antagonistic to us . . .” In some but not all districts, the police were in league with the racists.

Death threats were frequent. When they were phoned in, Salter told the callers, “that I had a ticket for them, a pass to permanent eternity via my Marlin .444.” One day while Salter was at work and his wife was at home, some men with knives came to the home, but a vigilant neighbor with a revolver frightened them away.

In Chicago in 1973, Salter’s community network of nearly 300 block clubs “set up public citizen ‘watch-dog’ patrols.” These were generally unarmed, with “primary backup from a network of armed citizenry in the neighborhoods,” with whom the patrols stayed in contact via Citizens Band radio and telephone. “The effects of this well known campaign in deterring while racial violence were consistently substantial.” Soon, and as a result, politicians instituted “increasingly responsible and egalitarian law enforcement practices. But the patrols and vigilance of armed neighborhoods continued.”

Salter write that firearms are not an absolute guarantee of safety for community organizers;  Medger  W. Evers (NAACP Field Secretary for Mississippi) was murdered in June 1963, but being armed did help him to live for nine years longer than most people expected he would when he took the job in 1954.

In sum, “I am stating categorically that the number of fatalities” was “much smaller” because “organizers and their grassroots groups”  were “sensibly armed for self-defense.”

Categories: Civil Rights, Guns, McDonald v. City of Chicago     48 Comments


Europe’s Roe v. Wade?

An excellent student note by Shannon K. Calt, forthcoming in the Lewis & Clark Law Review, explains the case of A. B. & C. v. Ireland, currently pending before the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights. The case challenges the Eighth Amendment of the Irish Constitution, which prohibits abortion under almost all circumstances. The Amendment was added by the Irish people in order to prevent the judicial creation of a right to abortion, as in Roe v. Wade. As the note explains, subsequent case law had held that the Irish government cannot forbid Irish women from traveling to England to obtain legal abortions there. The note predicts two possible outcomes for the A., B. & C. case: 1. the ECHR will require Ireland to provide better post-abortion medical care to Irish women who need medical services after obtaining an English abortion. OR 2. The ECHR will create a right to abortion. The latter decision, suggests the note, would be predicated on the ECHR characterizing Ireland’s interest in its constitutional amendment as merely involving “morals,” rather than the protection of innocent life. A decision of the Grand Chamber (17 members, en banc) is binding on all nations which have signed the European Convention on Human Rights.

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That’s that title of a forthcoming article in a Santa Clara Law Review symposium, by Clayton Cramer and me. We examine, in detail, scores of important cases, from Bliss v. Commonwealth in 1822 up to the present. We explain which cases can provide useful guidance to modern courts which must interpret the Second Amendment (and which cases use an approach is plainly inapplicable to Second Amendment analysis, post–Heller).

Our Article also addresses Adam Winkler’s influential and well-written 2007 Michigan Law Review article, which surveyed post-WW II state cases. Our article studies a broader range of cases, and gets into more depth on those csases, so it’s 93 pages long. It was even longer until the editors changed the typeface from Century Schoolbook to Times New Roman. Here’s the abstract:

Cases on the right to arms in state constitutions can provide useful guidance for courts addressing Second Amendment issues. Although some people have claimed that state courts always use a highly deferential version of “reasonableness,” this article shows that many courts have employed rigorous standards, including the tools of strict scrutiny, such as overbreadth, narrow tailoring, and less restrictive means. Courts have also used categoricalism (deciding whether something is inside or outside the right) and narrow construction (to prevent criminal laws from conflicting with the right to arms). Even when formally applying “reasonableness,” many courts have used reasonableness as a serious, non-deferential standard of review. District of Columbia v. Heller teaches that supine standards of review, such as deferring to the mere invocation of “police power,” are inappropriate in Second Amendment interpretation. This article surveys important state cases from the Early Republic to the present, and explains how they may be applied to the Second Amendment.

The article is founded on the tremendous research on state cases which Clayton conducted for his 1994 book For the Defense of Themselves and the State. That book was cited by the Washington Supreme Court in its new decision State v. Sieyes.

Categories: Guns, Militia     14 Comments


Podcast extravaganza

Five new podcasts from the Independence Institute’s iVoices.org:

1. The University of Montana’s Rob Natelson on the Executive Vesting Clause.  Natelson argues that the first clause of Article II grants the President no additional powers–contrary to the theory that the clause gives the President almost all the powers formerly possessed by English Kings. 36 minutes.

2. The Privileges or Immunities Clause and what it means for the Second Amendment. The Cato Institute’s Ilya Shapiro discusses his new law review article. 29 minutes. (The final version of the Shapiro-Blackman article, “Keeping Pandora’s Box Sealed: Privileges or Immunities, The Constitution in 2020, and Properly Extending the Right to Keep and Bear Arms to the States,” was just uploaded to SSRN today.)

3. What Miller Meant. Oklahoma City University’s Michael O’Shea explains  the history and multiple meanings of United States v. Miller. 65 minutes. 

4. The International Hunter Education Association. IHEA’s Wayne East describes the IHEA’s good works in teaching safety and responsibility. And how you can take most of a hunter safety course on-line. 26 minutes.  

5. Weld County, Colorado, Sheriff John Cooke provides law enforcement perspective on three bills in the Colorado legislature: removing the Governor’s power to prohibit gun sales, transfers, or transportation during an emergency; a declaration that the federal government cannot apply federal gun control laws to guns manufactured in Colorado and which do not leave the state of Colorado (background checks on sales would still be required pursuant to Colorado law); and a bill to state that business owners on their own property have the same self-defense rights as do persons in their own homes. All three bills were supported by the County Sheriffs of Colorado. The first two bills were killed on party-line votes in a state Senate committee; the last bill is awaiting a committee vote in the House.

The first four are interviews I conducted last week. The last interview is conducted by Independence Institute’s Amy Oliver.

Categories: Constitutional History, Guns, Legal Scholarship 2 Comments


E-mail software bleg

Microsoft Outlook has worked well for me on some computers, but has always been troublesome on one of them. I tried upgrading to the Outlook 2010 beta, and that’s been a horror story. Accordingly, I humbly solicit recommendations about an e-mail software program for accessing several POP accounts. Thanks.

Categories: Uncategorized 45 Comments


So suggests John Avalon, in a Daily Beast column “The Secret History of the Birthers.” He traces birtherism to a Texas woman named Linda Starr, who was a Hillary Clinton delegate to the 2008 Texas state Democratic Convention. Avalon writes that Starr “was also cited as a key source for CBS’ discredited election year investigation into George W. Bush’s National Guard records that led to Dan Rather’s replacement after 24 years as the evening news anchor.” Avalon links to the Thornburgh/Boccardi report, which was conducted at the request of CBS News to examine CBS’s conduct in producing the infamous 60 Minutes story about Bush supposedly evading National Guard service and then having the records scrubbed. As the report details, Starr made the claim about Bush in an article on her website, three days before the 2000 presidential election. She also played a key role in serving as an intermediary for CBS to obtain the document which purported to be National Guard memo regarding the removal of NG records about Bush. The Thornburgh/Boccardi report does not claim that Ms. Starr knew that the document  was a clumsy fabrication.

At the very least, however, the fiasco of the Bush National Guard story shows that Ms. Starr did not provide her Internet readers, or CBS, with a story which could withstand factual scrutiny. Accordingly, if Avalon’s reporting is correct, he has provided yet another reason for people to disbelieve the (already-implausible) assertion that President Obama was not born in the United States. In contrast to the way the mainstream media initially handled the 2004 Bush National Guard story, the mainstream media did a better job in 2008 by not embracing a story about a presidential candidate which could not be supported by solid, verifiable facts.

Categories: Bush, Media, Obama, Politics 177 Comments


Over at The Faculty Lounge, there are some pictures of sit-ins from the early 1960s.  Regarding a 1963 sit-in in Jackson, Mississippi, TFL writes: “By one account, members of the all-White Jackson police force stood guard outside, while several FBI agents (the guys in back wearing shades) ‘observed’ from inside. That White guy at the counter, that’s Tougaloo professor and community activist Hunter Gray (John R. Salter) who helped organize the Jackson sit-ins.  And that’s blood on his shirt.  All of the protesters had been covered in slop, and some were beaten with brass knuckles and broken bottles.”

The non-violent Civil Rights protesters allowed themselves to be beaten in public while the media watched; the images helped win sympathy for the Civil Rights Movement in the North, and proved to be crucial in developing the political will for the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

In a limited sense, the media’s presence provided some protection for the protesters; there was never a case in which a civil rights protester was murdered in front of media cameras. At night, when everyone had gone home, things were very different. As Salter later explained:

I was beaten and arrested many times and hospitalized twice. This happened to many, many people in the movement. No one knows what kind of massive racist retaliation would have been directed against grassroots black people had the black community not had a healthy measure of firearms within it.

When the campus of Tougaloo College was fired on by KKK-type racial night-riders, my home was shot up and a bullet missed my infant daughter by inches. We received no help from the Justice Department and we guarded our campus — faculty and students together — on that and subsequent occasions. We let this be known. The racist attacks slackened considerably. Night-riders are cowardly people — in any time and place — and they take advantage of fear and weakness.

Later, I worked for years in the Deep South as a full-time civil rights organizer. Like a martyred friend of mine, NAACP staffer Medgar W. Evers, I, too, was on many Klan death lists and I, too, traveled armed: a .38 special Smith and Wesson revolver and a 44/40 Winchester carbine.

The knowledge that I had these weapons and was willing to use them kept enemies at bay. Years later, in a changed Mississippi, this was confirmed by a former prominent leader of the White Knights of the KKK when we had an interesting dinner together at Jackson.

In the 1970s, I was Southside director of the large, privately-funded Chicago Commons Association. Our primary focus involved assisting minority people in developing sensible community organizations — vis-a-vis schools, city services, anti-crime.

We were opposed by white racist organizations (e.g., Nazi Party) and various youth gangs of many sorts. My staff and I received countless death threats, there were arson attacks on our offices, and, on one occasion, men with weapons came to my home and told my wife and children that they intended to kill me. (I happened to be at work.)

Again, I was glad I had many firearms and, again, we guarded our home and let this be known. We responded to hate calls on the telephone by telling the callers we were quite prepared for them.

For Salter, the right to own a handgun was apparently a crucial part of his ability to exercise his right to defend himself and his family, which was a sine qua non of his ability to stay alive in order to exercise his First Amendment rights to advocate for enforcement of the Fourteenth Amendment.

Yet in modern Chicago, decent law-abiding citizens are forbidden to own handguns. As I detailed in my amicus brief  in McDonald v. Chicago (pages 39–45), many people find that a handgun is best choice for family defense, especially in urban areas such as Chicago. As the history of the Civil Rights Movement demonstrates, the denial of the constitutional right to own a handgun could endanger other constitutional rights, particularly the rights of community organizers.

Categories: Civil Rights, Guns 226 Comments


Last week’s National Journal poll of political bloggers asked for an estimate of House Democratic losses in the 2010 election. While the answers are reported in clusters of 10, the median estimate for the Left appears to about 20 seats. The median on the Right was in the mid-30s. I estimated 38, adding “Could be less if the congressional leadership and Obama correct their course, but they do not seem inclined to do so.”

Question 2 asked the Left if Democrats would benefit politically from another televised Q&A session by President Obama with House Republicans. Seventy-eight percent of the Left expected Democrats to benefit. Right-leaning bloggers were asked if Republicans would benefit, and 57 percent said yes. I was in the majority: “All Americans would benefit. All Republicans are Americans. Ergo, Republicans would benefit. The metric of success should not be partisan benefit, but rather national benefit.”

Categories: Congress, Politics 57 Comments


Where is Gao Zisheng?

One of the foremost attorneys in China, Gao Zisheng believed in the rule of law, and began to try to use the law to protect human rights. Senator Byron Dorgan (D-N.D.) describes what happened next:
He wrote an open letter to the United States Congress asking us to pay some attention to the lack of human rights that existed in China. For writing an open letter to members of the United States Congress in 2007, Gao Zhisheng, one of the most distinguished human rights — noted and distinguished human rights lawyers in China, was imprisoned for 58 days and brutally tortured.
Now, in 2009, he was detained 80 days ago by ten members of the secret police in China and has not been heard from since.
Let me tell you what his transpired. Mr. Gao Zhisheng has represented some of the most vulnerable people in China. They include persecuted Christians, coal miners and others. He always believed in the power of law; using the law to battle corruption, to overturn illegal property seizures, to expose police abuses, to defend religious freedom. He’s a devout Christian. He fought to protect those who engage in peaceful spiritual and religious practice in China.
And in 2005, they took away his license to practice law, closed his law practice. As I said, in 2007, they arrested him, threw him in prison and tortured him. Eventually he was released and brought back home and placed under police surveillance at home. The surveillance proved almost harsher than prison. In fact, a member of the communist police moved into their living room, prevented his daughter from going to school; his 16-year-old daughter barred from attending schools. 24-hour surveillance.

He wrote an open letter to the United States Congress asking us to pay some attention to the lack of human rights that existed in China. For writing an open letter to members of the United States Congress in 2007, Gao Zhisheng, one of the most distinguished human rights — noted and distinguished human rights lawyers in China, was imprisoned for 58 days and brutally tortured.

. . . Mr. Gao Zhisheng has represented some of the most vulnerable people in China. They include persecuted Christians, coal miners and others. He always believed in the power of law; using the law to battle corruption, to overturn illegal property seizures, to expose police abuses, to defend religious freedom. He’s a devout Christian. He fought to protect those who engage in peaceful spiritual and religious practice in China.

And in 2005, they took away his license to practice law, closed his law practice. As I said, in 2007, they arrested him, threw him in prison and tortured him. Eventually he was released and brought back home and placed under police surveillance at home. The surveillance proved almost harsher than prison. In fact, a member of the communist police moved into their living room, prevented his daughter from going to school; his 16-year-old daughter barred from attending schools. 24-hour surveillance.

One year ago, on February 4, 2009, Gao Zisheng was again seized by the Chinese government. No one except his Chinese captors knew whether he was dead or alive. Finally, after continuing international pressure from citizens and free governments, the Chinese apparently leaked word in January to an Australian newspaper that he is still alive.

Those readers who know their English legal history know the stories of the great lawyers during the Tudor and Stuart reigns, who used the law to challenge the abuses of the monarchs. Those readers know the debt that every free American owes to those lawyers, who sacrificed so much–and sometimes their lives–to establish the rule of law. During the reigns of the Tudors and Stuarts, the friends of a courageous lawyer who had been unlawfully imprisoned could resort to the Great Writ, the writ of habeas corpus, to secure a judicial hearing on his detention under the law.

There is no writ of habeas corpus in China, nor are there most of the other civil rights guarantees which are characteristic of a civilized nation with a free government. And so Gao Zisheng’s writ of habeas corpus will not be issued by a Chinese court, but its moral equivalent can be issued by the free people of the world: commanding that the body of Gao Zisheng, in the Chinese government’s custody detained, as it is said, together with the day and cause of his caption and detention, be safely brought forth. If you would like to sign a petition to free Gao Zisheng, or contact your elected officials to urge them to press for his freedom, or take other steps, click here.

Categories: Habeas 19 Comments


Last week’s National Journal poll of political bloggers asked “What’s the most likely outcome this year of President Obama’s health care reform initiative?” The plurality choice on the Left, and the majority choice on the Right, was “Scaled-back legislation will be enacted.” I agreed: “Remember, even after the defeat of Hillarycare, many of its sub-elements were later enacted even by Republican Congresses. While time ran out on Hillarycare in the fall of 1994, this year the Obamacare supporters have nearly a year left to get something done.”

The second question asked about the political effects of the Citizens United decision. Seventy percent of the Left thought it would help Republicans a lot. Only 6 percent on the Right thought the same, while another 33 percent thought it would help a little. The leading choice on the Right was “not much impact.” That was my view, based on empirical experience: “Based on the experience of about half of the states, which never restricted the free speech rights of people in corporations, it’s hard to see much of a partisan impact from respecting the First Amendment.”

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“In the urban industrial society of today a general right to bear efficient arms so as to be enabled to resist oppression by the government would mean that gangs could exercise an extra-legal rule which would defeat the whole Bill of Rights.” Roscoe Pound, The Development of Constitutional Guarantees of Liberty 91 (1957).

Although Pound prided himself on being in touch with current realities, he was already being be proven wrong by the facts on the ground. The possession of efficient arms by civil rights workers (including Condoleezza Rice’s father, a Methodist minister) and of groups like the Deacons for Defense was essential to the success of the Second Reconstruction. A key reason why the Second Reconstruction succeeded and the First Reconstruction failed was that the second time, the defenders of the Constitution had sufficient arms to resist attacks by the Ku Klux Klan and other state-supported terrorist organizations.

Arms possession by the civil rights advocates in the late 1950s and 1960s did not lead to lawless gang rule. It led to the restoration of the rule of law in the South, to the long-delayed enforcement of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments.

Although Pound was sometimes cited by opponents of the Standard Model of the Second Amendment, Pound’s point was not really that the Standard Model is wrong as a matter of original intent/meaning, but simply that the Second Amendment is no longer a good idea as a matter of public policy. Pound’s view that the Second Amendment could be ignored if modern persons thought it was no longer a good idea is consistent with his general view that legislation which once would have been clearly unconstitutional could be considered constitutional in modern times, based on perceptions of changed social needs. See generally Roscoe Pound, “Mechanical Jurisprudence,” 8 Colum. L. Rev. 605 (1908). 

As David Bernstein has explained, Pound argued on a broad front that judges should ignore the text and original meaning of the Constitution, so as not to impede (supposedly) beneficial expansions of government power to restrict personal freedom. Pound was no friend of the Constitution.

Categories: Civil Rights, Constitutional History, Guns 110 Comments


Rob Natelson (U. Montana; Independence Institute) addresses Akhil Amar’s claims that Obamacare is consistent with the original meaning of the Constitution.

Categories: Commerce Clause, Constitutional History, Health Care, Originalism 22 Comments


This week’s National Journal poll of political bloggers asked “Which of these pieces of legislation, if enacted, would help the Democrats’ political prospects in the midterm elections?” Bloggers could choose more than one. The leading choice for both Left and Right bloggers was “job creation.” The only other items which got more than 50% from either group of voters was deficit reduction (from the Right), and health care and financial industry reform (from the Left). I thought that most of the available choices would be helpful for the Democrats, if done properly: ““Cap-and-trade would be a political disaster. Taxing banks in general (rather than dealing with the subset that helped cause the meltdown) would be of little benefit. Greatly reducing the deficit now (as opposed to promising to reduce it later) would be enormously helpful. The financial/health/immigration/job items could all be helpful, but only if they are done in a fiscally responsible way, do not reward illegal aliens, and are moderate enough to pick up some significant GOP support.”

The second question was “Given the outcome of the Massachusetts Senate race, what would be best politically for [Democrats/Republicans] on health care reform?” Pluralities on the Left (for Democrats) and the Right (for Republicans) thought that House passage of the Senate bill would be the best political outcome. My view: “Politically speaking, the worse the better — passage of the Senate bill would be great, and passage of the House bill even better. For the good of the nation, however, it’s better to start over — and for the starting points to be allowing the purchase of insurance across state lines, ending the tax code’s bias for employer-provided insurance, and moving to a true insurance system, in which customers pay up front for routine costs, with insurance in reserve for extraordinary costs.”

Categories: Health Care, Politics 29 Comments


Get out and knock on doors. My father’s latest column explains why, based on his own experience as a candidate (with an 11–2 election record).  Six months of door-knocking–every two years–helped him far outperform his party, and win some tough elections.

The column also examines how the Colorado state Department of Regulatory Affairs might regulate medical marijuana dispensaries.

Categories: Politics     5 Comments

Austin Gun Rights Examiner Howard Nemerov once again shows why he is one of the best journalists writing on the gun issue. His latest column debunks an Internet rumor that the BATFE forced a Texas gun show to allow sales only by federally licensed firearms dealers.

Categories: Guns     10 Comments

Cardozo De Novo, the online companion to the Carodozo Law Review, has a symposium issue on firearms law and policy, with a focus on McDonald v. Chicago. Articles include The Second Amendment in the Living Constitution, by me; a critique of the Stevens dissent in Heller, by David Hardy; and a proposal by Michael Anthony Lawrence that all restrictions on liberty be judged according to a “reasonable time, place, and manner” standard.

In the comments section, feel free to discuss any of the articles.

Categories: Fourteenth Amendment, Guns     1 Comment

From a segment on the Russian station for Radio Liberty. (Transcript, plus audio link.) For those of you who don’t read Russian, the short explanation is: The desire of voters to send a message of their disapproval of George Bush is considerably less significant than it was in 2006. Generally speaking, American prefer divided government.

Categories: Politics     44 Comments

This Monday, Jan. 25, at the University of Colorado at Boulder. Jonathan Rauch (National Journal, The Atlantic, Brookings) vs. Maggie Gallagher (National Organization for Marriage). Two outstanding, very articulate, intellectually rigorous advocates for their respective points of view.

Categories: Uncategorized     53 Comments


Coakley in free fall

Reports a new poll for Politico, conducted entirely on Sunday night. Dorothy Rabinowitz and Ann Coulter have both explained why Coakley’s role in the Amirault case–involving the persecution and long-term imprisonment of plainly innocent people, reveal her to be utterly unfit to serve in any public office. That Coakley is now plainly lying about Scott Brown and rape is further proof of a character that appears to be remarkably scurrilous.

Categories: Uncategorized     239 Comments

This week’s National Journal poll of political bloggers asked for a prediction about how many House seats the Democrats would lose in the November 2010 elections. Significantly, not one of the bloggers predicted a large enough loss to change control of the chamber.  On the Right, 45% predicted a loss of 31–40 seats, while the rest predicted lower. On the Left, the median was in the 11–20 range.

The second question asked for a grade on President Obama’s economic performance. The Left gave him a C-, while the Right awarded a D-. I voted for F: “Taking the irresponsible Bush deficits and making them much, much worse. Spending vast amounts of the ‘stimulus’ on wasteful pork, giveaways and political payoffs rather than infrastructure or other useful projects. Continuing the Bush TARP program of transferring wealth from productive working people to the bankers who helped cause the meltdown. And turning the auto industry into a federal welfare program.”

Categories: Politics 98 Comments


Interpol Realism

Over the past few weeks, there has been a lot of concern in some quarters about President Obama’s Executive Order extending certain legal immunities to Interpol. These concerns are misplaced. I am currently writing a research paper on Interpol, which will cover the immunities, and many other issues. In the meantime, some preliminary clarifications:

Interpol has no authority to make arrests or seize property. Interpol is purely an organization for data exchange and analysis. Interpol employees in the United States (or anywhere else) have no authority to conduct any activities except as allowed by the host government. The Obama Executive Order adds nothing to Interpol’s non-existent law enforcement authority.

Interpol’s entire US presence consists of a five-person office in New York City for liaison with the United Nations. Under the Obama order, the premises and documents of this NYC office are absolutely immune from search and seizure. Pursuant to the International Organizations Immunities Act, passed by Congress in at the time the United Nations was being set up, seventy other international organizations in the US have immunities identical to those now possessed by Interpol. The presence of the UN was obviously going to lead to the establishment of US offices for many international organizations, and Congress want to regularize the procedures and immunities for such organizations.

Unlike standard international organizations, Interpol was not created by a treaty, and its membership consist of police agencies, not nations per se. So one could make the legal argument that Interpol is not an international organization. However, both the United Nations and the United States have taken the position that Interpol qualifies as an international organization.

Interpol requested the full set of IOIA immunities in 2005. In 2008, the US State Department approved the request, but the White House did not get around to signing the Executive Order. It obviously was not a priority for anyone, nor should such a minor issue have been a priority.

So why did President Reagan, in 1983, grant Interpol some but not all of the available immunities? Some explanation of Interpol’s structure will help here. Interpol is headquartered in Lyon, France. Today it has over 600 employees, consisting of permanent staff, as well as employees from many different national law enforcement organizations who are “seconded” (loaned) to Interpol for a few years. Every one of the 188 nations which participates in Interpol has a “National Central Bureau” (NCB) which coordinates interaction with Interpol. The NCB offices are located in the home country, and they are staffed by employees of the home country, not by Interpol employees. The United States has the largest NCB, consisting of approximately 80 employees in Washington, D.C., plus an auxiliary NCB in San Juan. The NCB is responsible for transmitting the data which the US chooses to provide to Interpol, and thereby make accessible to the NCBs of other countries. Such data include the identification numbers of lost or stolen US passports, fingerprints or DNA for some criminals, and so on.

The NCB in the United States is not an international organization. It is a part of the US Department of Justice, and is subject to precisely the same laws as any other part of the Department of Justice. The NCB staff interacts with Interpol, but they are employees of the federal government, not of Interpol. Neither the Reagan nor the Obama Executive Orders apply to the NCB offices, nor could they.

As of 1983, Interpol had no staff or offices in the United States. However, a 1981 D.C. Circuit decision, Steinberg v. International Criminal Police Organization, 672 F.2d 927, held that Interpol could be sued in federal courts, because Interpol’s interaction with the US NCB created sufficient US contacts for a US court to assert long-arm jurisdiction.  The Circuit’s decision was written by the recently-appointed Judge Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Steinberg pleaded a very strong case for defamation:

Steinberg’s complaint identifies an Interpol document, titled “Blue International Notification 500/59-A3674,” describing him as a wanted international criminal who used the alias “Mark Moscowitz.” Interpol widely communicated the Notification, Steinberg alleges, to its liaisons, among them, the United States National Central Bureau (USNCB), now located in the Department of Justice, this country’s liaison with Interpol. In the summer of 1975, on learning of the document and Interpol’s transmission of it to liaisons, Steinberg asserts, he notified Interpol and twice offered proof that the Notification was erroneous. Despite the proof he offered, Steinberg further states, Interpol continued to publish the Notification and other statements associating Steinberg with “Mark Moscowitz.” It did so, according to Steinberg, until late July 1976, when Interpol finally conceded Leon Steinberg was not “Mark Moscowitz.” Steinberg seeks general and punitive damages for the substantial injury he alleges he has suffered as a result of the Blue International Notification.

Now vulnerable to US lawsuits, Interpol asked the Reagan administration to grant it IOIA protection. The Reagan administration at the time was beginning to vastly amplify the US relationship with Interpol. The consequences, over the long term, were a substantial increase in US contributions to Interpol, the US displacing France as the most influential nation within Interpol, and Interpol taking a major interest in counter-terrorism. Given the Reagan determination to work more with Interpol, it is not surprising that the administration granted Interpol’s request for IOIA immunity from civil lawsuits.

At the advice of the Department of Justice, the Reagan Executive Order did not grant complete IOIA immunities, because they were unnecessary. Interpol had no office in the US, and therefore had no need for IOIA’s protections of international organization property and files. The Obama Order simply recognizes changed circumstances; now that Interpol has a small US office, it is appropriate that Interpol have the standard immunities for international organization offices.

As I will detail in my research paper, I believe that the Reagan-granted civil lawsuit immunity should be partially rescinded, and, if necessary, Congress should revise the IOIA to allow for grants of only partial immunity from civil suits. Interpol is a much more competent organization than it was in 1975, when it allegedly defamed Steinberg. Nevertheless, Interpol does sometimes disseminate potential defamatory information without sufficient caution. First of all, Interpol distributes “diffusions.”  A diffusion is a document from one nation that a particular person is wanted for a particular crime in that nation. Diffusions are not reviewed for factual accuracy by Interpol staff, and they are not formally endorsed by Interpol. However, Interpol’s global distribution of the diffusions could, at least arguably, constitute participation in defamation, particularly when the diffusion is created by a nation with a notoriously corrupt and dishonest law enforcement system.

Interpol’s official Notices (such as the “Blue Notice” on Steinberg) are given a higher standard of care. (A Notice is not an “international arrest warrant.” A Red Notice is merely information that a person is sought by a particular country, for a particular crime, and the country will extradite him if given the opportunity. A Blue Notice is a request to collect additional information about a person in relation to a criminal matter. Nevertheless, at least occasionally, defamatory Notices are  distributed. Most notoriously, Interpol distributed three Red Notices from Kazakhstan containing false claims that some political opponents of the dictatorship had committed tax crimes. Although Interpol staff eventually opposed the Kazakhstan Red Notices, the issue was decided by the Interpol General Assembly (Interpol’s governing body), which narrowly voted in favor of the Red Notices. Perhaps if Interpol had faced a potential lawsuit for knowingly distributing defamatory information, the General Assembly would have voted differently.

However, the big topic of concern in the past several weeks has not been “Interpol can get away with defamation!!!!” The defamation immunity problem has existed for 27 years. The current concerns about the Obama Executive Order are about the dangers of unaccountable international police operating in the United States. These concerns are without merit. Interpol staff do not even carry guns, and they certainly do not engage in policing in the United States.

Categories: INTERPOL 35 Comments

The Examiner on-line newspapers have provided forum for a bevy of authors who write on Second Amendment and firearms policy issues. There are plenty of good writers among them, but my favorite is Howard Nemerov, who writes for the Austin Examiner. Howard´s columns are often data-rich (such as his latest piece, on the failures of police protection in Chicago). He is no mere commentator, but instead works hard to research the facts and advance the story. Among his recent articles are an admirably calm piece on the Interpol controversy, and an  examination of international data in which shows that there is no relationship  between gun ownership rates and suicide rates.  Howard is also my co-author of the Texas Review of Law & Politics article, Is There a Relationship between Guns and Freedom? Comparative Results from 59 Nations.

Categories: Uncategorized

This week’s National Journal poll of asked right-leaning bloggers to list the 5 most-likely Republican presidential nominees in 2012. Left-leaning bloggers were asked to name which Republican would be the strongest candidate. Mitt Romney won both races handily. I voted for Romney as most likely, but don’t think he would be the most likely candidate to win the general election: “The Republican lower tiers (e.g., Thune) might be much stronger in a general election than would be the better-known possibilities (e.g., Romney, Palin, Huckabee, Gingrich).”

Categories: Politics

This week’s National Journal poll of political bloggers asked for a prediction about how many House seats the Democrats would lose in the November 2010 elections. Significantly, not one of the bloggers predicted a large enough loss to change control of the chamber.  On the Right, 45% predicted a loss of 31–40 seats, while the rest predicted lower. On the Left, the median was in the 11–20 range.

The second question asked for a grade on President Obama’s economic performance. The Left gave him a C-, while the Right awarded a D-. I voted for F: “Taking the irresponsible Bush deficits and making them much, much worse. Spending vast amounts of the ‘stimulus’ on wasteful pork, giveaways and political payoffs rather than infrastructure or other useful projects. Continuing the Bush TARP program of transferring wealth from productive working people to the bankers who helped cause the meltdown. And turning the auto industry into a federal welfare program.”

Categories: Politics

 

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